Pakistan’s democracy is undergoing a silent overhaul as the military expands legal, constitutional, and political control under Field Marshal Asim Munir. This in-depth report examines the amendments, power shifts, and political complicity reshaping Pakistan into a hybrid authoritarian state.
Pakistan is undergoing a silent yet far-reaching political restructuring—one not unfolding through mass protests, dramatic coups, or sudden collapses of civilian governments. Instead, the transformation is subtle, procedural, and intentionally obscured behind layers of legal amendments, bureaucratic restructuring, and political compliance. At the heart of this shift is an increasingly assertive military establishment, empowered by civilian political parties who appear more interested in preserving relevance than protecting democracy.
The objective is unmistakable: to solidify Pakistan as a hybrid authoritarian system where civilian authority exists largely as a façade while real control is entrenched within the military’s upper echelons. The central architect of this emerging order is Field Marshal Asim Munir, widely considered one of Pakistan’s most influential military chiefs in decades. Unlike earlier eras defined by overt interventions or military takeovers, Munir’s strategy involves embedding military supremacy directly into Pakistan’s legal and constitutional structure.
This transformation did not occur suddenly. Its early indicators emerged in 2023 when amendments to the Pakistan Army Act, Air Force Act, and Navy Act were rushed through Parliament without meaningful debate or public scrutiny. These changes broadened the jurisdiction of military courts, allowing civilians to be tried under military law. The amendments followed the fiery protests of May 9, 2023, when anger against the government and military erupted into attacks on military installations across major provinces, including Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
While several hundred protestors were arrested, the most notable figure targeted was former Prime Minister Imran Khan, who remains imprisoned alongside his wife, Bushra Bibi. Both face a long list of cases widely viewed as politically motivated, serving not legal justice but political containment.
Meanwhile, the military’s influence expanded deeper into the civilian administrative landscape. Munir revived an old strategy of embedding military officers into key government institutions such as NADRA, WAPDA, and SUPARCO. This trend reached a new milestone when Lt. Gen. Asim Malik, head of Pakistan’s powerful intelligence agency ISI, was appointed as National Security Adviser. The post, historically seen as a civilian bridge between government and military, effectively dissolved into a military domain.
However, the most decisive shift has come not through administrative maneuvering but through sweeping constitutional amendments that redefine Pakistan’s institutional architecture.
The 26th Constitutional Amendment, passed in late 2024, extended the tenure of military service chiefs from three to five years, with the possibility of further extensions. This means a military chief can now shape national policy for more than a decade, giving Field Marshal Munir a likely tenure extending to at least 2032. This unprecedented consolidation ensures that a single military leader can oversee long-term political, security, and economic strategies without significant civilian oversight.
The amendment also expanded the executive branch’s role in judicial matters, enabling greater political oversight of judicial appointments. This effectively weakened the independence of a judiciary that was once perceived as the last institution capable of challenging military overreach.
If the 26th Amendment symbolized a creeping shift, the 27th Amendment cemented it with unprecedented clarity. It introduced a new title—Chief of Defence Forces (CDF)—for the Army Chief, making him the supreme commander of all branches of Pakistan’s military. This change elevated the Army Chief above traditional service boundaries and formalized his authority over the country’s nuclear command structure. Although military influence over nuclear decision-making has long been an open secret, its legal codification marks a clear decline in civilian oversight.
The same amendment also carved out Pakistan’s highest judicial authority by creating a new Federal Constitutional Court (FCC). By reducing the discretionary powers of the Supreme Court, including its ability to take suo motu notice, the amendment strategically limits judicial intervention in matters related to military restructuring. Critics argue that this ensures the military’s sweeping changes remain legally insulated and politically unchallengeable.
Equally alarming is the behavior of Pakistan’s political parties, whose compliance has enabled these constitutional shifts. Instead of resisting the erosion of democratic norms, major parties appear to be competing for military favor. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) remains one of the biggest beneficiaries of this restructuring. After helping remove Imran Khan’s government in 2022, the party saw Shehbaz Sharif installed as prime minister and later appointed Asim Munir as Army Chief—a move that bypassed senior officers and reinforced political-military cooperation.
The 2024 general elections, widely criticized for manipulation, further highlighted this alignment. PML-N once again emerged in a position to form government, widely perceived as a result of strategic assistance from the military establishment.
Similarly, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), once a vocal opponent of authoritarian rule, has become a compliant partner in passing amendments and supporting military-backed governance measures. With both major civilian parties aligning themselves with military interests, the political class appears less invested in democratic norms and more focused on survival within a military-defined political order.
What has emerged is a political environment where institutions continue to function symbolically—parliament meets, courts issue rulings, elections occur—but the outcomes are largely predetermined. The rituals of democracy remain, yet its substance is increasingly absent.
Pakistan has always struggled to balance civilian rule and military power. But what distinguishes the present moment is the absence of resistance. The dismantling of democratic structures is taking place not through forceful coups but through legislative reforms, political bargains, and judicial restructuring.
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This slow, methodical transformation suggests that Pakistan’s democracy is not collapsing in a single dramatic moment—it is being gradually replaced by a controlled, military-centric order, piece by piece.
